Gore Vidal is not my favorite writer, political or otherwise, because his tendencies to name drop and to remind the reader of his patrician heritage grate on my nerves. That said, this slender volume of collected essays is required reading for anyone, liberal or conservative, who thinks that the train of the United States has jumped its Constitutional tracks and is headed for catastrophe, both domestically and internationally. It is also nice to hear someone so eloquently remind Americans that our Constitutional heritage is primarily one of mistrust of government, our own first and foremost, and to challenge the received opinion that this mistrust is now tantamount to treason.

Not only is this sense of distrust our obligation as American citizens, but it is also healthy, Vidal argues. He supports this argument by discussing the violent and murderous contempt our government has had for those in the world, both abroad and at home, who would challenge its claims to ideological and actual dominance. The first essay in this collection endeavors to explain why those abroad hate the American government by making reference to the hundreds of military ventures our nation has engaged in (with almost absolute impunity it must be noted) over the last half-century. Democratically elect a leader whose policies don't completely gibe with American national (read "commercial") interests? Then Uncle Sam will help depose him. Since the end of WWII, the US has intervened in so many other nations' internal affairs, often with disastrous consequences for the everyday people in those nations, that the mind reels. The question becomes not "why do they hate us" but "why have they waited so long to show it?"

The essays which follow the introduction deal with issues of domestic un-tranquility and, in particular, the violent response of one Timothy McVeigh to a federal government that rages unchecked. If that last phrase seems extreme, imagine seeing your wife get shot through the head (as she clutched an infant) hours after watching your 14-year old son shot in the back by the same "law officers," all because you were entrapped into committing the "crime" of sawing off two shotguns. That's what happened to Randy Weaver at his Ruby Ridge, ID, home. He, and not the murdering authorities, was the one accused of crimes in that situation, and the media, complicit with the federal authorities, did its best to cover-up the true criminals. Later, a group of non-traditional religious folks were murdered, with their 27 children, by the same lawless authorities, and again, the media and government manipulated the story so that it was the citizen, and not the government, who was to blame. These incidents, argues Vidal, are indicative of a rogue American government, one that blames its victims and exonerates itself at every opportunity. Vidal also inveighs against the puritanical, prudish prurience of those Americans who so desperately want to see their neighbors controlled that they'll excuse their government of any crimes committed to that end, no matter how heinous. As he notes when discussing Timothy McVeigh's murder of innocents in the Murrah building in OKC, "every pancake has two sides." Ignoring the larger side of that pancake, an unchecked government run rampant against the freedoms of "we the people" and our fellow human beings in other nations, is to our detriment.

One minor drawback to this book is that Vidal rarely provides a citation to back him up in his diatribe, but this is easily rectified by seeking out denser corroborative works on the various subjects Vidal discusses (the writings of Noam Chomsky come to mind, for example). Please don't let that complaint keep you from reading this book; its witty, bitchy, and impassioned defense of the US Constitution and of the Republic it supports is much needed in these dark days of omnipresent surveillance and endless wars on inchoate terror.

Gore Vidal's major assets in writing political books are his wit, knowledge, and ability to write. Mr. Vidal clearly shows what political problems exist and uses precision in diagnosing these problems. His PERPETUAL WAR FOR PERPETUAL PEACE, a phrase used by the great historian Charles Austin Beard, is apt title for this book. Readers should note that Vidal gives Beard credit for this phrase.

Vidal wrote one of the best assessments of the tragedy in Oklahoma for which Timothy McVeigh was executed. This tragedy which took place in 1995 is carefully discussed by Vidal. Vidal indicates that the way the feds explained the explosion is impossible to believe. One should note that the feds cleared the debris from this explosion as quickly as possible removing forensic evidence that could have implicated others or revealed that the force of the explosion was not due to the explanations offered by government "experts."

Another interesting facet of Vidal's assessment of Timothy McVeigh view of the U.S. government. McVeigh expressed anger and frustration and anger at government corruption and lying regarding both domestic and diplomatic issues. Vidal's evaluation of McVeigh is thought provoking. One should clearly note that Vidal does not condone McVeigh's actions, but one should at least be aware of why events, as tragic as they may be, do occur.

Vidal also gives some of the best explanations of U.S. foreign policy blunders that benefit no one except defense contractors, Pentagon bureaucrats, and some members of the U.S. House and Senate. These corrupt cronies faced a severe problem when the Soviets conceded that the U.S. could outspend them on arms races and comitted the crime of refusing to play the game any longer. Defense contractors, Pentagon flunkies, U.S. political figures, etc., had to invent new enemies to justify their bloated budgets and criminality. Vidal cites examples from Latin America (espeically Columbia), Asia, and Africa where U.S. political and military intervention has made life miserable and unbearable. What has been the result? Vidal carefully explains that Americans have become hated. In other words, the pious platitudes and obnoxious lies do not stand when the political realities and tragedies affect other peoples.

Those who have branded this book as "Bush bashing" have apparently not read it. Vidal does not spare anyone in this book, and he demonstrates keen criticism of those who are prominent Democrats and Republicans. Vidal had serious clashes with the Kennedys.

This reviewer doubts if Gore Vidal's books will change the world. However, his book titled PERPETUAL WAR FOR PERPETUAL PEACE is there for the record. One should carefully examine pages 22-41 to see just how extensive U.S. military and political intervention is.

Readers should refer to Theodore Rushton's previous review of this book to get a more concise view. This reviewer agrees with Mr. Rushton that this book is important. Gore Vidal is not a "trained historian" which is why the book is worth reading. Mr. Vidal does not cater to politically correct nonsense and political agendas. He is more concerned with truth which is a lesson current historians have long abandoned.

Anyone who wants to understand the basic value of free speech in America needs to read this long litany of the abuses of government authority by the police, politicians and press.

All criticism of power obviously infuriates conservatives, and Vidal constantly skewers the rich, complacent, corrupt and conniving. It is definitely not meant to be read by rich fat conservatives of the Greedy Old Party, or even the Dumb Enough for Me set. Instead, it's a wonderful expose of the abuses of power by people who hold power; it's not meant to be fair, any more than 'Common Sense' by Thomas Paine was meant to be even handed. Like the Founding Fathers, Vidal believes American can be better if some of its inherited bad habits are discarded.

From Paine to Thomas Jefferson to Michael Moore, America has thrived in part because of its critics. And who reins in the critics? They must wage a constant rearguard action against everyone from Rush Limbaugh to Ann Colter. The very best are often betrayed by even their friends; but, this is often the price of being right instead of popular. Public debate in America is waged in a playpen of paranoid wolves; there is no mercy for anyone who bleeds in the arena of public comment. It is no place for the weak-minded.

Vidal is one of the best. Of course he's unfair; he's quick to cite government slaughter at Waco, but ignores the slaughter by religious cults from Jonestown to Heaven's Gate, and the appalling sexual child abuse by polygamist Mormons in Arizona. His talent is defending individual freedom against government conformity. This is the heart of a free society. In some countries conformity is an art form, such as Cuba, Iran and North Korea, but it is not the fate chosen by free people.

Government in America is truly as bad as Vidal states; but, every fault Vidal cites was brought to his attention by news reports and government studies and not by his own original effort. In other words, a free press exists and is effective. A century ago, critics such as Upton Sinclair were the first to tell all Americans about appalling conditions in industry. The result was major reform. Today, critics thrive throughout society from village newspapers to national publishers, plus millions of bloggers, book critics and letter writers. The result is a constant process of incremental reform.

Amazon.com book reviews are one such utterly new bastion of free expression; they offer another means to praise or cauterize the cogent or corrupt arguments of everyone from Vidal to myself. It is this freedom that makes Vidal possible and precious, and gives America an almost unassailable strength. This is one society where error of opinion or fact is pounced upon with vigor and glee, instead of being covered over in the genteel ivy of sacred tradition, pride and heritage.

Vidal is one of the best. You can learn a lot by reading a book, and this book is one of the most provocative. You (and America) will be better for it.

I was hoping to read a powerful and erudite polemic to frame modern history with the thesis set out by the title, something to turnover soil in the mind for planting of new ideas, something as intense and intelligent as Oriana Fallaci. It does not happen.

In some ways this short essay reads like a chapter left off another book. In that context, it does two things for my enlightenment. It helps to establish Harry Truman's administration and the 1947 passage of the National Security Act as a decisive turning point when elite power structures were reorganized in America for radical new purposes not rooted in our national origins. It indirectly (while not directly stated) suggests that a doctrine of preemption is a sign of imperial weakness, not strength.

It is a very quick read, and is available very cheaply in used form, so I would not dissuade anyone from taking it on. Slightly educational from a perspective one does not often visit, but not a big achievement.

on recalling when he realized the bill of rights had expired--
For me it was sometime in 1960 at a Party in Beverly Hills that I got the bad news from the constitutionally cheery actor Cary Grant. He hade just flown in from New York. He had, he said, picked up his ticket at an airline counter in a magical old-world airport...."there were these lovely girls behind the counter, and they were delighted to help me, or so they said. I signed some autographs. Then I asked one for my tickets. Suddenly she was very solemn. "Do you have identification?"

This is mostly glossy magazine writing. Don't hope for any compelling analysis of warfare.