John Tyler, the Accidental President 
asked by linda on November 29, 2006 12:48 AM
The first vice president to become president on the death of the incumbent, John Tyler (1790-1862) was derided by critics as "His Accidency." Yet he proved to be a bold leader who used the malleable executive system to his advantage. In this biography of the tenth President of the United States, Edward P. Crapol challenges previous depictions of Tyler as a die-hard advocate of states' rights, limited government, and a strict interpretation of the Constitution.
In pursuit of his agenda, Tyler exploited executive prerogatives and manipulated constitutional requirements in ways that violated his professed allegiance to a strict interpretation of the Constitution. He set precedents that his successors in the White House invoked to create an American empire and expand presidential power.
Crapol also highlights Tyler's enduring faith in America's national destiny and his belief that boundless territorial expansion would preserve the Union as a slaveholding republic. When Tyler, a Virginian, opted for secession and the Confederacy in 1861, he was stigmatized as America's "traitor" president for having betrayed the republic he once led. As Crapol demonstrates, Tyler's story anticipates the modern imperial presidency in all its power and grandeur, as well as its darker side.
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John Tyler was referred to derisively as "The Accidental President." Why? He was the Vice-President elected as Old Tippecanoe, William Henry Harrison, became President. Within a shockingly short period, Harrison dies and Tyler became acting President. Since he was the first Vice President to ascend to the presidency, there were no precedents to guide him and the country. One of his major contributions was, simply, to take firm hold of the Presidency and act as if he were President.
This biography does a nice job of introducing us to one of the lesser known presidents of the United States. Edward Crapol, the author, believes that (page 3) ". . .[Tyler] was a stronger and more effective president than generally remembered." If one accept that sentiment by book's end, then Crapol has written an effective work. If one does not accept that conclusion, then this book, obviously, will not be compelling.
Tyler was one of those cross-pressured southern politicians who was, on the one hand, most uncomfortable with slavery as an institution, but, on the other, wed to the ways of the South, which, of course, were based on slavery. Crapol argues that Tyler felt that by expanding the size of the republic, "diffusion" would occur. That is (page 37), "Development over space would thin out and diffuse the slave population and, with fewer blacks in some of the older slave states of the upper south, it might become politically feasible to abolish slavery in states like Virginia." Tyler himself, it should be mentioned, was a slaveholder.
As a result of this "diffusion" argument, Tyler was even more motivated to expand the republic when he became president. He appears to have believed in a national manifest destiny, with the scope of the American state expanding from sea to sea. Among key initiatives that suggested his expansive view of America's destiny: his keenness on advancing American interests around the Pacific Rim (from Hawaii to China); his movement toward annexing the Republic of Texas as one of the American states (as a slave state); his interest in considering California as a potential free state.
Interestingly, some have suggested that Tyler's efforts to exercise power mark him as historically important. The author notes that (page 281) "Arthur Schlesinger, a historian who has traced the development of what he has labeled `the imperial presidency,' credited John Tyler, along with James K. Polk, for the rescue and deliverance of the Jacksonian doctrine of presidential power and independence." In the end, Tyler's desire to serve a second term was thwarted, as the enemies within his party made that impossible.
The last part of his life is somewhat unfortunate. He ended up supporting secession and lived long enough to see the early part of the Civil War.
This book is interesting for making the case that Tyler is a more important figure than often recognized. The author provides good context and enough detail for readers to determine if they concur in that judgment.
This biography does a nice job of introducing us to one of the lesser known presidents of the United States. Edward Crapol, the author, believes that (page 3) ". . .[Tyler] was a stronger and more effective president than generally remembered." If one accept that sentiment by book's end, then Crapol has written an effective work. If one does not accept that conclusion, then this book, obviously, will not be compelling.
Tyler was one of those cross-pressured southern politicians who was, on the one hand, most uncomfortable with slavery as an institution, but, on the other, wed to the ways of the South, which, of course, were based on slavery. Crapol argues that Tyler felt that by expanding the size of the republic, "diffusion" would occur. That is (page 37), "Development over space would thin out and diffuse the slave population and, with fewer blacks in some of the older slave states of the upper south, it might become politically feasible to abolish slavery in states like Virginia." Tyler himself, it should be mentioned, was a slaveholder.
As a result of this "diffusion" argument, Tyler was even more motivated to expand the republic when he became president. He appears to have believed in a national manifest destiny, with the scope of the American state expanding from sea to sea. Among key initiatives that suggested his expansive view of America's destiny: his keenness on advancing American interests around the Pacific Rim (from Hawaii to China); his movement toward annexing the Republic of Texas as one of the American states (as a slave state); his interest in considering California as a potential free state.
Interestingly, some have suggested that Tyler's efforts to exercise power mark him as historically important. The author notes that (page 281) "Arthur Schlesinger, a historian who has traced the development of what he has labeled `the imperial presidency,' credited John Tyler, along with James K. Polk, for the rescue and deliverance of the Jacksonian doctrine of presidential power and independence." In the end, Tyler's desire to serve a second term was thwarted, as the enemies within his party made that impossible.
The last part of his life is somewhat unfortunate. He ended up supporting secession and lived long enough to see the early part of the Civil War.
This book is interesting for making the case that Tyler is a more important figure than often recognized. The author provides good context and enough detail for readers to determine if they concur in that judgment.
reviewed by officefan on November 29, 2006 5:02 AM
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I eagerly awaited the release of this book for several months and purchased a copy as soon as it was available. Maybe my expectations were out of whack, but I was a little disappointed.
It was well-written and had some good analysis of a much (and somewhat unfairly) maligned president, but I was expecting some NEW analysis or NEW scholarship regarding President Tyler. To me, this just seemed like a slightly updated version of Oliver Chitwood's (still) definitive biography of Tyler. I was hoping Crapol would replace Chitwood as THE word on Tyler, but he didn't.
At 283 pages, this is not a definitive biography. It details Tyler's personal and family life only briefly, focusing heavily on his public life. Whereas Chitwood's premise was that Tyler was steadfast in his championing of strict construction of the Constitution and Jeffersonian states' rights principles and no one should have been surprised or disappointed by his actions as president, which Chitwood claimed were wholly consistent with those principles; Crapol's premise is that Tyler frequently compromised those principles when it served his political interests--primarily expansionism through the annexation of Texas and new uses of executive power to get around areas reserved to Congress by a strict reading of the Constitution. While these (clearly correct) conclusions were new, this book just seemed like Chitwood run through a 21st Century filter. Nothing wrong with that--just not what I hoped it would be.
This is by no means a poor book, and I am glad it was written. I think there should be modern bios of all of our presidents available. If you have not read Chitwood and want a brief biography of Tyler, I would recommend this book (it has very little competition). But if you are looking for a definitive biography of John Tyler, I think you still have to go with the unabashedly apologetic Chitwood. I'm now going to try the out-of-print dual biography of John and Julia Tyler by Robert Seager. Maybe it will be the best of the lot?
It was well-written and had some good analysis of a much (and somewhat unfairly) maligned president, but I was expecting some NEW analysis or NEW scholarship regarding President Tyler. To me, this just seemed like a slightly updated version of Oliver Chitwood's (still) definitive biography of Tyler. I was hoping Crapol would replace Chitwood as THE word on Tyler, but he didn't.
At 283 pages, this is not a definitive biography. It details Tyler's personal and family life only briefly, focusing heavily on his public life. Whereas Chitwood's premise was that Tyler was steadfast in his championing of strict construction of the Constitution and Jeffersonian states' rights principles and no one should have been surprised or disappointed by his actions as president, which Chitwood claimed were wholly consistent with those principles; Crapol's premise is that Tyler frequently compromised those principles when it served his political interests--primarily expansionism through the annexation of Texas and new uses of executive power to get around areas reserved to Congress by a strict reading of the Constitution. While these (clearly correct) conclusions were new, this book just seemed like Chitwood run through a 21st Century filter. Nothing wrong with that--just not what I hoped it would be.
This is by no means a poor book, and I am glad it was written. I think there should be modern bios of all of our presidents available. If you have not read Chitwood and want a brief biography of Tyler, I would recommend this book (it has very little competition). But if you are looking for a definitive biography of John Tyler, I think you still have to go with the unabashedly apologetic Chitwood. I'm now going to try the out-of-print dual biography of John and Julia Tyler by Robert Seager. Maybe it will be the best of the lot?
reviewed by glenn11 on November 29, 2006 1:15 PM