Blueprint for Action: A Future Worth Creating 
asked by vicky123 on November 5, 2006 8:04 AM
The world is a mess. Iraq is becoming another Vietnam. Iran and North Korea are trying to get nukes or may already have them. Al Qaeda is still on the loose. In the middle of this turmoil, Tom Barnett believes America stands at a threshold. It can withdraw into itself. Or it can seize an opportunity to forge the most peaceful period in human history, where war becomes unknown. Barnett is a former professor at the U.S. Naval War College and senior advisor to the Office of the Secretary of Defense. He has been called "one of the most important strategic thinkers of our time."
Barnett maps out a sweeping new vision for the U.S. military in Blueprint for Action, the sequel to his influential previous book The Pentagon's New Map. He says the U.S. military has a massive doctrinal flaw. It has an unrivalled power to win wars. But it has little ability to win the peace. Witness Iraq, where virtually no thought was given to postwar stabilization and reconstruction. He advocates creating a new Department of Global Security in the U.S. government, tasked with putting countries back on their feet after an armed intervention by U.S. forces. He says the new department would also work to reduce economic and social instability in "disconnected" regions of the developing world. "It all starts with America and yes, it all starts with security," he writes. Barnett's vision is highly U.S.-centric and recalls the "white man's burden" philosophy of British colonial authorities. He advocates "regime change" in North Korea and Venezuela. And his solutions for the problems of the Third World are straight out of a banker's mouth: privatization, deregulation, globalization. But Blueprint for Action is an important account of the current thinking and debates at the highest levels of the Pentagon. --Alex Roslin
Reviews
0%
0%
(Something tells me the reviewer from Publishers Weekly didn't even read this book and instead just penned the review based upon some crib notes).
I won't debate any of Barnett's specific arguments as other reviwers have done.
He makes very understanadable that in the past generation the world has become majority with free market societies. This represents an incredible challenge to reactionary forces in the Middle East. How to help the modernizing elements of Arab, Persian, Asian and LAtin American socieities navigate their way into the global community is the key question in Barnett's arguments. This is called 'Shrinking The Gap'.
Rather than being a US led enterprise, Barnett makes if very clear this will be a cooperative efffort among the UN, the G-20 (20 largest economies), the ICC and the American military. The UN as your grand jury, the US military as your police force, the ICC as your criminal court witht the G-20 as your financier. A very intriguing possibility and one that should be discussed.
Once you dispose of bad actors (Kim Il Jong , Chavez, Castro) you have to follow up with intense development and reconstruction. Barnett notes that our failure to do this in Iraq is the chief source of our troubles today. The ultimate idea is to bring failed states quickly into connection with the global community so they can reap the benefits of globalization. If one can revamp and stablize a failed state, then foreign investment will flow into new lost-cost labor centers.
Overall, a very well thought out and provocative book. Barnett lays out his arguments logically and makes it easy to follow his train of thought.
A major drawback of the book is Barnett's constant use of his own jargon (one sees this in his blog also). One gets the sense he is very much in love with his own words. This is why I only give it four stars
.
I won't debate any of Barnett's specific arguments as other reviwers have done.
He makes very understanadable that in the past generation the world has become majority with free market societies. This represents an incredible challenge to reactionary forces in the Middle East. How to help the modernizing elements of Arab, Persian, Asian and LAtin American socieities navigate their way into the global community is the key question in Barnett's arguments. This is called 'Shrinking The Gap'.
Rather than being a US led enterprise, Barnett makes if very clear this will be a cooperative efffort among the UN, the G-20 (20 largest economies), the ICC and the American military. The UN as your grand jury, the US military as your police force, the ICC as your criminal court witht the G-20 as your financier. A very intriguing possibility and one that should be discussed.
Once you dispose of bad actors (Kim Il Jong , Chavez, Castro) you have to follow up with intense development and reconstruction. Barnett notes that our failure to do this in Iraq is the chief source of our troubles today. The ultimate idea is to bring failed states quickly into connection with the global community so they can reap the benefits of globalization. If one can revamp and stablize a failed state, then foreign investment will flow into new lost-cost labor centers.
Overall, a very well thought out and provocative book. Barnett lays out his arguments logically and makes it easy to follow his train of thought.
A major drawback of the book is Barnett's constant use of his own jargon (one sees this in his blog also). One gets the sense he is very much in love with his own words. This is why I only give it four stars
.
reviewed by stonefox on November 7, 2006 6:41 AM
0%
0%
The United States stands at a threshold. It can withdraw into itself. Or it can seize a moment to forge the most peaceful period in human history, where war becomes unknown. Thomas P. M. Barnett, a former at the U.S. Naval War College professor and advisor to the Office of the Secretary of Defense maps a sweeping vision for the U.S. military in this the sequel to his influential The Pentagon's New Map.
Barnett argues the U.S. military has a massive doctrinal flaw. It possesses unrivalled power to win wars. Yet has little ability to win the peace. Take Iraq. No thought was given to postwar stabilization and reconstruction.
He advocates creating a new Department of Global Security. He foresees it being tasked with restoring countries after an armed intervention by U.S. forces. He argues the new department would also work to reduce economic and social instability in regions of the developing world that currently are "outside the map."
Barnett is an original foreign policy thinker. This book answers many of the questions left hanging with his first. For me, his insights place our foreign policy in a context I rarely see in my other reading.
Barnett argues the U.S. military has a massive doctrinal flaw. It possesses unrivalled power to win wars. Yet has little ability to win the peace. Take Iraq. No thought was given to postwar stabilization and reconstruction.
He advocates creating a new Department of Global Security. He foresees it being tasked with restoring countries after an armed intervention by U.S. forces. He argues the new department would also work to reduce economic and social instability in regions of the developing world that currently are "outside the map."
Barnett is an original foreign policy thinker. This book answers many of the questions left hanging with his first. For me, his insights place our foreign policy in a context I rarely see in my other reading.
reviewed by reader99 on November 18, 2006 8:37 AM
0%
0%
A few months ago, I offered a review of Barnett's landmark book, "The Pentagon's New Map."
http://whiterhinoreport.blogspot.com/2006/03/understanding-age-of-terror-review-of.html
In his latest offering, Barnett takes the logical next step in offering scenarios and a roadmap for how we might go about fashioning what he calls "a future worth creating." What I like best about Barnett's writing is the fact that he communicates complex ideas clearly and succinctly - without "dumbing down" his arguments and chain of reasoning.
I found this book fascinating and very encouraging in terms of how the U.S. as a nation can lead the way in fashioning a 21st century world that shrinks the gap between the "haves and have nots" - and more to the point - between the "connected and the disconnected."
Given the fact that I do not have a military background, I do not always trust or rely on my own judgment in assessing issues of military or global strategy. Fortunately, I have a number of friends who have had long and distinguished military careers, and I often use them as sounding boards to provide me with reality checks. As I was finishing up reading, "Blueprint for Action," I had breakfast with Stan Genega, a West Point graduate who retired as a Major General in the U.S. Army. As I was seeking Stan's reaction to some of Barnett's groundbreaking and often iconoclastic ideas, I said: "From my vantage point as a lay person, I can find no flaw in Barnett's reasoning, logic, interpretation of the facts or prescriptive recommendations." Gen. Genega responded, in essence, by saying: "I agree; I cannot find any flaws in his logic or analysis."
Halfway through this book, I discovered a passage that clearly expresses Barnett's rationale for writing this book, and explains the bridge between "The Pentagon's New Map," and this sequel. The context of the following quotation is that Barnett is describing the overwhelming response he received when C-Span broadcast a PowerPoint briefing that is the essence of "The Pentagon's New Map":
"At first, you are kind of embarrassed with gratitude expressed on that level. I mean, you feel as though you found someone's wallet and nothing more. But over time, as I got more familiar with the emotions being expressed, I began to realize why it was so crucial to move beyond the first book's broad diagnostic approach to this volume's far greater focus on prescriptions - a plan of action. Eventually, that buzz wears off . . . Well, you can't just leave people hanging like that. You just can't get them all jacked up with no place to go. When people say they're a `convert' or `sold,' you'd better have a better comeback than just `That's nice to hear.' Moreover, your vision of the future can't just be some splendid description of a world they've got little hope of actually visiting. No, it needs to seem familiar enough that they can imagine themselves not just living there but also actually making the journey. The tale should be heroic, all right, because that imparts meaning to sacrifice, but it can't be fantastic, meaning no `flying cars' or any other imagined technologies that save the day all on their own. People don't want their future handed to them on a silver platter; they want to build it on their own. What they need from you, the futurist, is just enough information - just enough vision - to give them the confidence to start hammering some stakes into the ground. They want to get rolling, because in the end, they're not interested in following you. They just want you to point the direction and then get out of the way." (Page 204)
The timing of my sharing this review is interesting. Just this morning, my friend, Tony Lorizio, sent me a link to a column in last Sunday's New York Daily News. The column was entitled: "It's WWIII, and U.S. is out of ideas"
New York Daily News - http://www.nydailynews.com
Sunday, July 9th, 2006
The author of the piece, who may have been Chicken Little, cites a string of recent events and concludes pessimistically that World War III is upon us, and we are fresh out of ideas to know how to begin to win the war.
In stark contradistinction to this gloomy forecast - one that seems to be shared by many "average citizens" - Barnett offers a more informed and reasoned interpretation and analysis of current events and trends. And that is the genius and the hope of his "Blueprint for Action."
"al Qaeda, far from enjoying a winning streak, has instead sustained its movement largely by accepting defeat time and time again and shifting its center of gravity to some new locale . . . But the larger point is this: al Qaeda and the Salafi jihadist movement have won no battles over the years. Instead, they have lived as parasites within ongoing civil wars or easily corrupted failed states. Their history has been one long series of evacuations under duress. Like cockroaches in an apartment building, they are forced to flee to the next unit over every time the exterminator steps in to spray the current nesting place." (Page 119)
The gist of Barnett's thesis is that in the ongoing struggle to shrink the chasm that exists between the connected "Core" countries of the world and the disconnected "Gap" countries, the U.S. military and its allies must develop a two-part approach to solving problems. The warfare end will be conducted by what Barnett terms "the Leviathan" - the traditional might of the U.S. war machine. But when it comes to "wining the peace" - the kind of nation building that is proving to be such a bloody challenge in Iraq - a new kind of force, a System Administration force, must be stood up and take over when the Leviathan has accomplished its work.
Barnett also argues convincingly that part of the process of moving a society into a globally connected condition involves a migration of much of its population from rural isolation to urban connectivity.
"Terrorists have historically arisen from well-educated middle-class urban segments of society, not form the backward, disconnected rural segments, even as they often enlisted as the foot soldiers of these revolutionary movements. So it is managing that individual journey from the country to the city that lies at the heart of the Core's historic task of shrinking the Gap. If the Gap's populations cannot successfully make that trip, finding genuine economic and social connectivity, then there is little hope of making globalization truly global, for all that will happen with this migration is the concentration of disgruntled masses - the perfect source material for unrest, as noted by revolutionaries throughout history." (Page 279)
Barnett gives a reasonable and generationally based spin to his optimistic argument that the Echo Boomer generation - those born between 1980 and 1995 - represent a great source of hope:
"Natural multitaskers because they grew up in conditions of universal connectivity (the oldest came of age as the Internet blossomed into a global phenomenon), the Echo Boomers are, in the words of one demographic study, `totally plugged-in citizens of a worldwide community.' As such, they know multiculturalism not as something to be accepted, but as simply a fact of life, since over a third of this generation is nonwhite. Probably the least `churched' generation in U.S. history, they are nonetheless deeply interested in making the world a better place. As historian Neil Howe describes Echo Boomers, they are far closer in outlook to the `greatest generation' from World War II than their egocentric Baby Boomer parents. In short, they're `more interested in building things up than tearing them down.'" (Pages 322-323)
For this reason, Barnett is targeting his arguments at the emerging generation of military and political leaders who are Echo Boomers. The current generation of leadership, with rare exception, is too tied into the status quo, too committed to protecting their fiefdoms and too entrenched in the "military-industrial complex" to be able to listen with objective ears to the ideas being put forward by Barnett and his coreligionists who worship at the altar of "a future worth creating."
This book is a must read. You may not agree with all of Barnett's analysis and interpretation of history and current events, but to choose to ignore what he is saying would be a "sin of omission" that no thinking person should commit.
Al
http://whiterhinoreport.blogspot.com/2006/03/understanding-age-of-terror-review-of.html
In his latest offering, Barnett takes the logical next step in offering scenarios and a roadmap for how we might go about fashioning what he calls "a future worth creating." What I like best about Barnett's writing is the fact that he communicates complex ideas clearly and succinctly - without "dumbing down" his arguments and chain of reasoning.
I found this book fascinating and very encouraging in terms of how the U.S. as a nation can lead the way in fashioning a 21st century world that shrinks the gap between the "haves and have nots" - and more to the point - between the "connected and the disconnected."
Given the fact that I do not have a military background, I do not always trust or rely on my own judgment in assessing issues of military or global strategy. Fortunately, I have a number of friends who have had long and distinguished military careers, and I often use them as sounding boards to provide me with reality checks. As I was finishing up reading, "Blueprint for Action," I had breakfast with Stan Genega, a West Point graduate who retired as a Major General in the U.S. Army. As I was seeking Stan's reaction to some of Barnett's groundbreaking and often iconoclastic ideas, I said: "From my vantage point as a lay person, I can find no flaw in Barnett's reasoning, logic, interpretation of the facts or prescriptive recommendations." Gen. Genega responded, in essence, by saying: "I agree; I cannot find any flaws in his logic or analysis."
Halfway through this book, I discovered a passage that clearly expresses Barnett's rationale for writing this book, and explains the bridge between "The Pentagon's New Map," and this sequel. The context of the following quotation is that Barnett is describing the overwhelming response he received when C-Span broadcast a PowerPoint briefing that is the essence of "The Pentagon's New Map":
"At first, you are kind of embarrassed with gratitude expressed on that level. I mean, you feel as though you found someone's wallet and nothing more. But over time, as I got more familiar with the emotions being expressed, I began to realize why it was so crucial to move beyond the first book's broad diagnostic approach to this volume's far greater focus on prescriptions - a plan of action. Eventually, that buzz wears off . . . Well, you can't just leave people hanging like that. You just can't get them all jacked up with no place to go. When people say they're a `convert' or `sold,' you'd better have a better comeback than just `That's nice to hear.' Moreover, your vision of the future can't just be some splendid description of a world they've got little hope of actually visiting. No, it needs to seem familiar enough that they can imagine themselves not just living there but also actually making the journey. The tale should be heroic, all right, because that imparts meaning to sacrifice, but it can't be fantastic, meaning no `flying cars' or any other imagined technologies that save the day all on their own. People don't want their future handed to them on a silver platter; they want to build it on their own. What they need from you, the futurist, is just enough information - just enough vision - to give them the confidence to start hammering some stakes into the ground. They want to get rolling, because in the end, they're not interested in following you. They just want you to point the direction and then get out of the way." (Page 204)
The timing of my sharing this review is interesting. Just this morning, my friend, Tony Lorizio, sent me a link to a column in last Sunday's New York Daily News. The column was entitled: "It's WWIII, and U.S. is out of ideas"
New York Daily News - http://www.nydailynews.com
Sunday, July 9th, 2006
The author of the piece, who may have been Chicken Little, cites a string of recent events and concludes pessimistically that World War III is upon us, and we are fresh out of ideas to know how to begin to win the war.
In stark contradistinction to this gloomy forecast - one that seems to be shared by many "average citizens" - Barnett offers a more informed and reasoned interpretation and analysis of current events and trends. And that is the genius and the hope of his "Blueprint for Action."
"al Qaeda, far from enjoying a winning streak, has instead sustained its movement largely by accepting defeat time and time again and shifting its center of gravity to some new locale . . . But the larger point is this: al Qaeda and the Salafi jihadist movement have won no battles over the years. Instead, they have lived as parasites within ongoing civil wars or easily corrupted failed states. Their history has been one long series of evacuations under duress. Like cockroaches in an apartment building, they are forced to flee to the next unit over every time the exterminator steps in to spray the current nesting place." (Page 119)
The gist of Barnett's thesis is that in the ongoing struggle to shrink the chasm that exists between the connected "Core" countries of the world and the disconnected "Gap" countries, the U.S. military and its allies must develop a two-part approach to solving problems. The warfare end will be conducted by what Barnett terms "the Leviathan" - the traditional might of the U.S. war machine. But when it comes to "wining the peace" - the kind of nation building that is proving to be such a bloody challenge in Iraq - a new kind of force, a System Administration force, must be stood up and take over when the Leviathan has accomplished its work.
Barnett also argues convincingly that part of the process of moving a society into a globally connected condition involves a migration of much of its population from rural isolation to urban connectivity.
"Terrorists have historically arisen from well-educated middle-class urban segments of society, not form the backward, disconnected rural segments, even as they often enlisted as the foot soldiers of these revolutionary movements. So it is managing that individual journey from the country to the city that lies at the heart of the Core's historic task of shrinking the Gap. If the Gap's populations cannot successfully make that trip, finding genuine economic and social connectivity, then there is little hope of making globalization truly global, for all that will happen with this migration is the concentration of disgruntled masses - the perfect source material for unrest, as noted by revolutionaries throughout history." (Page 279)
Barnett gives a reasonable and generationally based spin to his optimistic argument that the Echo Boomer generation - those born between 1980 and 1995 - represent a great source of hope:
"Natural multitaskers because they grew up in conditions of universal connectivity (the oldest came of age as the Internet blossomed into a global phenomenon), the Echo Boomers are, in the words of one demographic study, `totally plugged-in citizens of a worldwide community.' As such, they know multiculturalism not as something to be accepted, but as simply a fact of life, since over a third of this generation is nonwhite. Probably the least `churched' generation in U.S. history, they are nonetheless deeply interested in making the world a better place. As historian Neil Howe describes Echo Boomers, they are far closer in outlook to the `greatest generation' from World War II than their egocentric Baby Boomer parents. In short, they're `more interested in building things up than tearing them down.'" (Pages 322-323)
For this reason, Barnett is targeting his arguments at the emerging generation of military and political leaders who are Echo Boomers. The current generation of leadership, with rare exception, is too tied into the status quo, too committed to protecting their fiefdoms and too entrenched in the "military-industrial complex" to be able to listen with objective ears to the ideas being put forward by Barnett and his coreligionists who worship at the altar of "a future worth creating."
This book is a must read. You may not agree with all of Barnett's analysis and interpretation of history and current events, but to choose to ignore what he is saying would be a "sin of omission" that no thinking person should commit.
Al
reviewed by corral on November 29, 2006 9:21 AM
0%
0%
Tom Barnett's militancy is questionably-suited for a world the US once led because of the appeal of its ideals and culture rather than the coercive dominance of its military. Barnett's realization that the US needs to learn to "win the peace", however is a grand idea. The solution lies not in the neo-conservative inclination to military hegemony, but rather in Nye's emphasis on "soft-power". It seems that no American neo-conservative can really "win the peace" as the movement has been corrupted by association with self-serving motives, disingenuous, and a distaste for real dialogue and exchange of social and political ideas.
reviewed by csean85 on November 29, 2006 12:09 PM
0%
0%
This book certainly answers many of the hanging questions of the former book, The Pentagon's New Map. It is a difficult read, however. I will be recommending it to the group I am convening later this Spring to discuss The Pentagon's New Map because it does provide many of the answers that book raises. I look forward to following the events which relate to these two books and appreciate the wisdom and creativity of the author, Thomas Barnett.
reviewed by jazzman on November 29, 2006 1:03 PM